The History Of Riots

I love this movie. The book was great too #perksofbeingawallflower

This is your reminder that Mahsa Amini's Kurdish name was Jina. The violence she faced wasn't just due to her being a woman, it was also because she was Kurdish. Kurdish people face ethnic cleansing and violence across the SWANA region and Turkey. Kurdish people are not allowed to use their Kurdish names under these regimes.

She wasn't allowed to use her real name in life, please at least grant her the mercy of using her true name in death.

Her name was Jina.

“But if you forget to reblog Madame Zeroni, you and your family will be cursed for always and eternity.”

Progress; the end to police brutality

  NO. 1

   Since the video of George Floyd’s death went viral on the internet, there have been protests across the world, calling for the policemen in question to not only be fired, but arrested and to serve the maximum in jail, and calling for . The senseless murder and case that follows brings up once again the senseless violence of police brutality and race in America once again. For me personally, seeing another black man be killed in such an egregious manner was...numbing. I also realized that events like this have become normalized for me. I didn’t exactly react because I, as a black woman didn’t know how to react. 

  The anniversary of one of the greatest race massacres in the United States occurred yesterday May 31, the Tulsa race riots, where in 1921, a white mob attacked not only black residents, killing between 30 to 300 black people, but more than 1,400 homes and businesses were burned, and nearly 10,000 people were left homeless. 

      NO. 2

I bring this up because historically, things have not changed in America. Police brutality is still the subject of attacks motivated by race. Throughout several years where we thought cases where black men have been shot and killed by the police would be a slam dunk trial; meaning that the officers involved would be prosecuted and serve the maximum in jail, and yet  the opposite happened, like the Eric Garner, Stephen Clark and Trayvon Martin, and new cases, like #RayshardBrooks and #ElijahMcCain. And yet, those officers in question were acquitted. 

The right to protest is protected by the First Amendment in the Constitution, where all citizens have the right to free speech, freedom of the press and the right to peacefully assemble. I write this because it seems like others don’t fully understand the protests going on now; the people who think that ‘peacefully protesting’ means to passively protest. And to passively protest means to erase the voices of millions in this country who already feel like their voices are not being heard. A great man by the name of Martin Luther King jr. said in his Letter from Birmingham Jail said, ‘’Shallow understanding from people of goodwill is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.’’

   NO.3

Too many black people have been dying at the hands of police at a dis, and the cause of it is directly tied to historic links of slavery and institutional and systemic racism. We want police to take accountability for the crimes they commit against innocent people. For eight minutes, George Floyd pleaded with the officer who had his knee on his neck. All officers need to uphold the responsibility of ‘to serve and protect’. If fifteen bad policemen are on the force, and there are 1300 good officers who do nothing to check those fifteen officers, then there are 1,315 bad police officers.           

I believe that these protests are just the tipping point, as people around the globe now are fed up with the injustice. Racism comes in various different forms, and it’s our generations time to stand up and acknowledge that these brutal acts have got to end, and that goes for anyone whose job is in law enforcement, medical fields, politics, teachers, fashion, entertainment, sports, or media, etc. All lives do matter, but until black people are treated like actual citizens in this country, then that’s a false and inconsistent statement, since it is meant to derail the black lives matter movement. Inequities still exist in this country, and pretending not to see it is just as wrong as those who are actively racist. We owe it to ourselves, and for the men, women and children who were killed over the years at the hands of police brutality, to not only research our public figures, especially in politics, and hire the ones who have our best interest at heart as a nation, but to enact new laws and bring about everlasting change.

Every last protestor who feels this is wrong, that innocent people are dying must vote. Voting sixty years ago used to be for the privileged, and now we all have that right to do so. The black lives matter movement was started by black women who feel action must be met. Black people deserve the same respect as any other human being, and the fact that it took two weeks of protesting and looting for that police officer to be arrested even though his death was video recorded is despicable, and the fact that it took even longer for prosecutors to arrest all the officers who were present for the death and didn’t help Floyd at all showed that widespread and global outrage was the only way justice was going to be served. 

So what are some solutions to this crisis? How can police officers gain the trust of their communities back? Done are the days where senseless killings are being swept under the rug, accustomed to a ‘few bad apples’. There must be stronger requirements for police officers and tougher training so that this doesn’t happen again. There is always going to be lawlessness, of course. But if white protestors can assemble on the streets of Congress with rocket launchers and AR-15’s during the early stages of the COVID-19 crisis so that they can open up their businesses without being tear gassed and shot with rubber bullets, then black people must also protest for their rights. 

Housing Discrimination

NO. 1

 Racial exclusion, or segregation had real damage to the black communities persistent in their fight for freedom to own and be included in everything whites were already allowed in; the fight for equality, economic security, for education, and for fair housing was just beginning. Racial exclusion was such a severe enough problem, since in every near northern city, black newcomers crammed into old and run-down housing, mainly in dense central neighborhoods left behind by upwardly mobile whites. White builders, in charge of housing and agencies related could dictate who could own, and William Levitt, of Leviittown where massive developments were made in the suburb, was no exception. 

       These types of houses were ‘affordable for the common man’, and remade America’s landscape after World War II. The iconic images of little ranches and Cape Cods, set in spacious yards on curvilinear streets, stood for everything that America celebrated in the Cold War era. These subdivisions attracted a heterogenous mix of surburnites, blue-collar workers employed by U.S Steel factories, teachers, clerks, and administrators. Levitt celebrated the ‘American-ness’ of these houses, saying ‘’No man who owns his house and lot can be a communist. He has much to do.’’ Don’t really know how owning a house can get in the way of your political ideologies, but alright. And when Levitt was questioned about the racial homogeneity of his planned community, he responded, ‘’We can solve a housing problem or we can try to solve a racial problem, but we cannot combine the two.’’  But the housing and racial problem was connected, as blacks could not get these houses because they were black. One instance of racial exclusion was in metropolitan Philadelphia, where between 1946, only 347 of 120,000 new homes built were open to blacks. Langston Hughes, popular poet described black neighborhoods as the ‘land of rats and roaches, where a nickel cost a dime.

 NO. 2

   Economist Robert Weaver spoke, ‘’among the basic consumer goods, only housing for Negroes are traditionally excluded freely competing in the market.’’ The struggle to open housing was not just a matter of free access to a market excluded to blacks. Racial segregation had high stakes. In post war America, where you lived shaped your educational options, your access to jobs, and your quality of life. The housing markets also provided most Americans with their only substantial financial asset. Real estate was the most important vehicle for the accumulation of wealth. Breaking open the housing market would provide blacks to access to better-funded, higher-quality schools. It would give them the opportunity to live in growing communities–near the shopping malls, office centers, and industrial parks where almost all new job growth happened. And more importantly, it would narrow the wealth-gap between blacks and whites. The battle against housing discrimination in Levingttown, or anywhere else would be the most important in the entire northern freedom struggle.

      NO. 3

 Housing segregation in the north was built on a sturdy foundation of racial restrictions encoded in private regulations and public policy. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Midwest–and especially Indiana and Illinois, were dotted with ‘sundown towns’ places whose residents drove blacks off by force, enacted ordinances to prohibit black occupancy (although such ordinances were struck down by the Supreme Court in 1917), and sometimes posted signs, like that in Wendell Willkie’s Elwood, Indiana, warning blacks of the dire consequences of staying around after sunset. Such crude techniques succeeded in driving blacks out of small towns, but they were less effective in the major northern metropolitan areas that attracted the vast majority of African American migrants beginning in World War I.

Three devices were used to help housing discrimination: first, private but legally enforecable restrictive covenants—attached to nearly every housing development built between 1928 and 1948— forbade the use or sale of a property to anyone other than whites. Second, federal housing policies, enacted during the Depression, mandated racial homogeneity in new developments and created a separate, unequal housing market, underwritten with federal dollars, for blacks and whites. And third, real estate agents staunchly defended the ‘freedom of association and the right of home owners and developers to rent or sell to whom they pleased, steering blacks into racially mixed or all-black neighborhoods. Whites in the North had economic reasons to fear the ‘Negro invasion’ as they called it. Their ability to secure mortgages and loans were at risk. But their motivations were not solely economic. Intertwined concerns about property values were fears of black predation. North and South recoiled at the prospect of miscegenation. In the South, they feared the legal restrictions on intermarriage and racial mixing in public spaces; the North feared the regulation of housing markets.           

Democracy

NO. 1

The short definition of democracy is the practice of social equality, and a quick Google search says it is a system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state, typically through elected representatives. Basically, the people are allowed/have the authority to have the to choose and decide legislation, or to choose governing officials. And yet, democracy is not included in the Declaration of Independence, nor the U.S Constitution.

NO. 2

The term ‘democracy’ originated from Athens, Greece, and it appeared in the 5th century BC, meaning the ‘rule of the people.’ The word “democracy” comes from two Greek words that mean people (demos) and rule (kratos). Democracy contrasts with the forms of government where power is either held by an individual, as in autocratic systems like a monarchy or where power is held by a small number of individuals, as in an oligarchy—oppositions inherited from ancient Greek philosophy. Western democracy reflects towards all citizens that they are ‘‘equal before the law, and having equal access to legislative processes. For example, in a representative democracy, every vote has equal weight, no unreasonable restrictions can apply to anyone seeking to become a representative, and the freedom of its eligible citizens is secured by legitimized rights and liberties which are typically protected by a constitution. Other uses of "democracy" include that of direct democracy in which issues are directly voted on by the constituents.’’

NO. 3

The U.S Constitution! A symbol of power, patriotism, nationalism, and freedom which conveys meaning honorable and justified peace for all people, granting its citizens hope, and what everyone wants is freedom. From the beginning, the founders of America emphasized this fact. ‘‘The history of the American democracy is usually presented as a political story tout court. Nineteenth-century scholars pointed to the Declaration of Independence as the fundamental document. Now that the Founding Fathers are seen as actively checking ‘the excess of democracy in the 1780s when they ratified the U.S Constitution’s creation of an energetic federal government, democracy is variously depicted as arriving in the U.S with the election of Thomas Jefferson or Andrew Jefferson.’’ And yet, this very word ‘democracy’ is not in the Constitution nor the Declaration of Independence. Why? Because America is not a democracy, it is officially known as a ‘‘representative democracy, in which citizens vote for representatives who create and change laws that govern the people rather than getting to vote directly on the laws themselves.’’

NO. 4

But to the minorities of this country, especially black and Indigenous people, the word democracy is not imparted upon them, nor those steady patriotic beliefs in the country to impose freedom for all. Because power was usurped from the ‘Indigenous People’, everyone who was white, Anglo-Saxon, and male was the only ‘people’ to vote, have a business, and be a part of the government, not to mention be respected as a human being. ‘‘The Constitution does not set forth requirements for the right to vote. As a result, at the outset of the Union, only male property-owners could vote. African Americans were not considered citizens, and women were excluded from the electoral process. Native Americans were not given the right to vote until 1924. When it was ratified in 1787, the Constitution enshrined the institution of slavery through the so-called "Three-Fifths Compromise," which called for those "bound to service for a term of years" and ‘all other Persons" (meaning slaves) to be counted for representation purposes as three-fifths of free people.’’

Granted, the Constitution has changed and was re-edited to allow everyone common and basic freedoms in this century. But as we go into 2022, does the current culture really embody that? Or is democracy still, and always has been, a white man's game?

i am begging you all to stop treating this site like instagram if you dont want it to be content free by next year

(😂😂😂😂)

Yes, Thor. You enjoy that relaxing bath…

After the Mayan Genocide

NO.1

 The disadvantages the Maya people face, during post-war Guatemala, are great. The issues of development and poverty in rural Mayan areas. They face a neo-liberal economy, where they are put into a situation where they have little to no power to control the conditions of their lives. The result is an acceptance of a condition where they cannot thrive. Guatemala, unfortunately, is a poor country where the poverty rate is 44-80%, because of unequal land and income distribution. A neo-liberal economy focuses mainly on the reduction of the government as a major employer, reduction of social safety nets, and the free market (laissez-faire) ideal. This will strengthen the economy by promoting business and bring money into the country through exporting.

    The supermarkets or groceries the Maya cater to influences what consumers desire, which can be personal desire, health, and making ends meet. But it is limited by what is available, giving ‘at least’ statements. ‘At least I can afford it; At least it is healthy’, etc. Those limit points are expressed, but they are rarely questioned or challenged. Mayan farmworkers grow broccoli independently, where you sometimes can get ripped off, you are asked to ‘hold product’, and sometimes you make ‘too much money.’ 15% of the broccoli is not purchased, so they take it back because it is a taboo, or (xajan) to waste food, but do not eat it. Non-traditional crops are grown in a non-traditional way, but all for a larger global market, for cash, not a substance or to cement social ties. There are also, health concerns as they use chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers. Most of the Mayan farmers understand the risks of exploration, cultural loss, and moral problems, such as the gossip you will receive from your neighbors, which is frowned upon. Most of the limit points here will be, ‘’At least we can still be farmers’, we can avoid wage labor or maquiladora work, we can still be family together, we can work the land and preserve some tradition, and we can grow our milpa as well as a cash crop.’’

NO.2

     Limit points are ‘at least’ statements that help us understand Mayan desires in a cultural setting, and that limit your desire or make your complacent to your position, and rely heavily on moral values. It is a balance between desires and capacity and helps us understand why the Mayan people would accept this work and helps us understand that their acceptance is not without hesitation. The limit points women most face is being hired by (Maquiladoras), or sweatshops that are owned by South Korean companies, are global divisions of labor that allow U.S cheap goods while U.S corporations to make money on designing and selling the goods, while South Korea benefits as a ‘middleman’. They import and export the pieces and assembled goods, all while under contract for U.S corporations.

    The maquiladoras will hire young female workers from rural areas under stressful and harsh working conditions, offer the workers pregnancy tests, give them limited time to talk to one another, and bathroom breaks, where often sexually assaulting them. Some at least statements or limit points will be at least it’s work and can make money; at least it’s not getting involved in gangs and prostitution; at least we are known for our good work, where we take pride in. By taking this work, and seeing their limit points, we can better understand how their culture works, as the escaping of gender roles, parental control, and access to free funds are something both American and Mayan young adults can sympathize with.

 NO. 3

The desires for better working conditions, higher pay, schools being built, and the helping of Mayan organizing in politics are present in every factory worker. A man names Alberto Simon isn’t against the factory per se, nor against capitalism or market economy but can see the benefits of factories going outside the community since the factory is less desirable than growing broccoli. A market economy might be seen as a competition between the people, so the Maya resist that while still engaging in a global competition. The situation of neo-liberal economies results in a situation of constant compromise, where they must accept a culture, who shuns them and gives them little power. Again, the limit points are put into an area where we see a value system, like hegemony.

Hegemony is ‘manufactures consent’, where a particular political ideology becomes embedded into a cultural model so as to seem natural, acceptable, and desired. It is the economic, social, cultural, and ideological influence and control by a dominant group over a subordinate group. One example of hegemony would be post-war violence. On June 10, 2002, thousands protested a new tax-reform measured $3000 to $45,000, so a march on municipal buildings and the mayors house took place. The protest was met by a phalanx of police unable to speak to anyone or negotiate, and when ‘someone’ throws a rock and breaks a window, the police responded with tear gas, and the protestors set the mayor’s house on fire. Protesting against political corruption, or any type of protest whether police brutality, gun reform, or abortion rights that somehow always ends with either violence or harsh criticism towards change, and is another unfortunate thing America shares with Guatemala.

NO. 4

  But hegemony also ‘’constrains in advance the kinds of objects that can and do appear within the horizon’’ [Butler 2000] But it happens between people, where it is negotiated, agreed upon, and accepted on the basis of limit points. It is more or less, symbolic violence, ‘the violence which is exercised upon a social agent within his/her social and economic landscape.’ During Post-War Guatemala, El General Rios Montt believed he was God’s choice to be President. Before the war was classified as an act of genocide, he returned as the presidential candidate and was supported by the Mayan people since he offered to pay them for civil patrol work. In 2003, there was a Rabinal campaign and he was sent packing. The Peace Accords of 1994 stopped the massacres, which ended the war, but ever since there has been a rise in crimes, kidnappings, and robberies. There have been drops in coffee prices and a resurgence of right-wing political activity.

A new tax-structure has been re-written, and a large collection of taxes is a part of the Peace Accords, where it is meant to improve accountability and transparency. And who is the local administrator? A Montt supporter. Large protests happen to challenge this, and it ends violently, where someone sets the mayor’s house on fire, shoots at him, and burns down the municipal building. The gangs also did this. Again, it is a symbolic form of an answer meant to shift the violence away from the ‘pueblo’, and a means to diffuse the violence so that no one takes responsibility. A ‘container’ for less personal forms of violence and social suffering. One limit point understood here is, ‘at least the gangs gave the mayor something to think about.’ The limit points are created and meant for people to accept less than desirable conditions. This is how hegemony works and can be accepted and registered, and by thinking that, ‘at least the mayor was willing to meet with us’, we preserve hegemony for the June 10th Riot. The meeting itself becomes the desire, not the outcome.